Five Generals Soeharto “Shut Down”
As a result of the conflict with Suharto, these five generals and their families had to live a difficult life.
Even though Tend to avoid open conflict, Soeharto was involved in conflict several times both since he was still an officer and after he became president. There are completed in a short time, but not a few long tails.
Suharto did not hesitate to finish off his opponents. It was not only the professional matter that brushed “The Smiling General” when defeated his opponent, but also their personal territory. Some generals felt that way when Suharto came to power.
Here are five generals who had a conflict with Suharto and had long tails back to the point where their personal lives were complicated by the New Order authorities.
Maj. Gen. Pranoto Reksosamodra
Pranoto’s conflict with Suharto began precisely when the two of them were together at the helm of the Diponegoro IV Army. Suharto as the division commander abused his position by carrying out illegal activities. According to Pranoto, as quoted by Salim Said in Gestapu 65: PKI, Aidit, Sukarno and Soeharto, “[Soeharto’s] misappropriation took the form of illegal barter, clove monopoly from the association of Central Java kretek cigarette factories (PPRK), then sales of scrap metal (scrab) material) sponsored by Chinese people named Liem Sioe Liong, Oei Tek Young, and Bob Hasan. “
In carrying out these illegal activities, Suharto used facilities, such as trucks, owned by TT IV. Knowing this, as the chief of staff of Pranoto and CPM TT IV commander Lieutenant Colonel Soenaryo immediately investigated him. The results of the investigation were then reported by Pranoto to KSAD General Nasution, who almost rewarded Seoharto with dismissal.
While Suharto was serving his sentence with a study assignment in Bandung, Pranoto rose to replace himself as commander of Diponegoro. The two met again in Jakarta after Suharto served as commander of Kostrad and Pranoto as Assistant III (Personnel) Menpangad A. Yani.
The second conflict occurred again following the disappearance of Menpangad A. Yani who was kidnapped by the G30S. Pranoto, who was appointed by President Sukarno, as the Army daily (AD), could not go to the president because Suharto was not allowed. Because, Suharto had taken over the leadership of the Army.
“I could not face the President / Pangti directly without the permission of Maj. Gen. Soeharto as a replacement for the then Army Leadership. However, Maj. Gen. Suharto always forbade me to go to the President / Pangti, “said Pranoto in the Memorandum of Major General Raden Pranoto Reksosamodra.
Soeharto then “killed Pranoto’s career” by making him a high-ranking officer who was seconded to the Army Chief of Staff. In February 1966, Suharto completely killed Pranoto, both career and personal. Through Arrest / Detention Warrant No. 37/2/1966 dated February 16, 1966, Suharto arrested Pranoto.
Suharto considers Pranoto involved in the G30S. “The evidence that underpins Pranoto’s detention is a letter from Colonel Latif who was in hiding after the failure of the Gestapu,” Salim Said wrote. The letter was obtained by Suharto from intelligence assigned to hunt Latif.
The letter contained a request for protection from Pranoto as the AD caretaker. For Suharto, this raised suspicions that Prantoto was sympathetic to the movement. Because, personally Latif far more familiar and closer to Seoharto than Pranoto.
As a result of Latif’s letter which he never received and knew, Pranoto had to stay behind the bars of the Block P Detention Center starting in March 1966. Nearly a month in Block P, Pranoto was put under house arrest. He returned to jail in early 1969 when Suharto issued his arrest / arrest warrant No. Print.212 / TP / 1/1969. Pranoto inhabits INREHAB Nirbaya along with other class A political prisoners.
Starting in January 1975, Pranoto no longer gets his rights such as salary schemes or other receipts. Until it was released in 1981 based on Decree No. Pangkopkamtib. SKEP / 04 / KOPKAM / 1/1981, Pranoto never received a letter of dismissal or official dismissal from AD membership. Even so, he did not get a pension until the end of his drift and his name was never rehabilitated – only General Nasution, who immediately called Pranoto to apologize for all this time had misjudged himself. “I must dare to swallow this bitter pill and must also dare to read the reality in life that has become a letter of destiny,” he said as quoted by Manai Sophiaan in Honor for the Rightful.
General TNI AH Nasution
As Suharto’s superiors in the Army, Nasution had a tidal relationship with his junior. The second conflict began when Nasution as the Army Chief of Staff knew that Soeharto (Commander of TT VII Diponegoro) smuggled a number of commodities together with businessmen Liem Sioe Liong, Bob Hasan, and Tek Kiong. Suharto was almost fired by Nasution before finally being helped by the Deputy Army Chief of Staff, General Gatot Soebroto.
The anti-PKI attitude brought the two together from the second half of Guided Democracy. Nasution and Suharto worked hand in hand to crush the PKI after the G30S Incident, overthrow Sukarno, and put Suharto in the presidency.
However, Suharto’s sitting in the president’s chair actually made his relationship with Nasution worse. Suharto disbanded the MPRS led by Nasution in 1972. When Nasution made a book of impressions while at MPRS, Suharto ordered his officials to burn the books and their warehouses.
Nasution’s movements continue to be monitored and restricted by the authorities. In addition to Friday’s sermon, Kopkamtib also banned Nasution from giving speeches on campuses. “According to the statements of several students, they are always difficult when inviting Mr. Nas to speak,” wrote Bakri AG Tianlean and Tatang Sumarsono in AH Nasution in the New Order. Furthermore, Kopkamtib banned the mass media from containing the writings of Mr. Nas, Nasution’s greeting.
Pak Nas’s difficulties increased after he joined the Petition 50 group, a group of senior politicians and retired generals who sought to correct the New Order government which was considered to have deviated from a one-sided interpretation of its Pancasila. Kopkamtib immediately revoked the political rights of Petition 50 members and blocked (prevented and deterred them).
At home, Mr. Nas has to make a well due to the unilaterally cut off water supply. He is also prohibited from appearing in public or attending state events and events attended by government officials. “My wife and I may not be invited to the wedding ceremony of Mrs. Gatot Subroto’s children, Mrs. Yani, Mrs. Suprapto, and others,” Nasution recalled.
When he visited Adam Malik, Pak Nas was immediately pushed by members of the Paspampres when he wanted to put the body together and was ordered out. The reason was that at that time Vice President Umar Wirahadikusuma, Nasution’s aide during the revolution, was about to enter the funeral home.
Pak Nas also considered that the accusation of the authorities that the signatories of the Petition 50 were conspiring to seize power together with the PKI’s accusation against him and the leadership of the Army during Guided Democracy.
Police General Hoegeng Iman Santoso
Although Hoegeng and Seoharto’s relationship was initially good, the two were in conflict. Hoegeng’s honesty and decisiveness in combating corruption, smuggling, and various other forms of crime harass Cendana.
When the Yellow Sum case emerged in the late 1960s, Hoegeng was moved to investigate thoroughly. Hoegeng was convinced that the final results of the trial of the rape of an egg trader named Sumarijem by some official children were full of engineering. Instead of giving justice to the victim, the judge made Sumarijem a suspect.
Hoegeng immediately formed a team. However, not to mention the team got a lot of results, Suharto hurriedly took over the case. When receiving Hoegeng, Suharto said that the handling of the Yellow Sum case was taken over by the Kopkamtib.
Suharto was really angry when Hoegeng dismantled the smuggling of luxury cars by businessman Robby Tjahjadi. The smuggling, according to Hoegeng, occurred due to the backing of the authorities. “What surprised Hoegeng was that when he wanted to meet Suharto at his residence to notify the smuggler of the car to be detained, it turns out the smuggler was meeting and chatting with Seoharto,” wrote Aris Santoso et al. in Hoegeng: Soothing Oases Amid the Corrupt Behavior of National Leaders.
Hoegeng, who has never trusted Suharto ever since, was removed from his post shortly afterwards. He firmly rejected Suharto’s pleasantries offer of ambassadorial positions.
Both came back into conflict when Hoegeng joined Petition 50. The group was active in correcting the New Order’s deviation because it interpreted Pancasila unilaterally for its interests and accused those with different interpretations of Pancasila as being anti-Pancasila.
Hoegeng was immediately banned, lost political rights, and was banned from appearing public. That made many people afraid to approach Hoegeng. One time, a businessman even canceled the plan to buy a painting by Hoegeng because the painting had the initials of the painter’s name on it. The businessman had asked Hoegeng to remove it but was refused.
The Hoegeng program and the band The Hawaian Seniors on TVRI were immediately stopped by Menpen Ali Murtopo with the reasons not in accordance with the nation’s culture. Pangkopkamtib Admiral Soedomo urged the public to be careful of the songs that Hoegeng sang.
Termination of the program on TVRI was a form of closing economic access by the authorities. “Hoegeng doesn’t even have money to just fix his teeth because he was crushed by Harto!” Ali Sadikin said as quoted by Made Supriatma in his writing on indoprogress.com, “Happy Birthday, General Butcher!” Since 1987, Hoegeng has not been allowed by the government to attend the National Police Anniversary celebration.
KKO Lieutenant General (Ret.) Ali Sadikin
Ali’s conflict with Suharto began only when Ali had retired from the military and government. The conflict began with the efforts of Ali and several retired generals and senior politicians to form a statement of concern for President Soeharto’s speech in 1980. The group’s corrective statement, later known as Petition 50, angered Suharto.
Through the Kopkamtib (Command for Security and Order Operations) led by Admiral Sudomo, junior Ali in the Navy, Suharto immediately acted. Initially, Suharto had ordered Sudomo to arrest Ali. Sudomo refused and instead, he personified non-civilians or civilly killed Ali.
Like the other 50 Petitioners, Ali was immediately banned. When he was about to take his wife for treatment to the Netherlands in 1986, he was blocked by immigration. Ali did not even get permission to perform the pilgrimage.
The authorities also forbade Ali from attending state events or celebrating national days. The government even asked foreign embassies in Jakarta not to invite Ali in their events. The ridiculous thing is that Ali was not allowed to attend the opening ceremony of the Jakarta Fair (PRJ) even though the capital’s annual event was the brainchild of Ali during his time as governor of DKI.
In the private sphere, Ali was banned from attending receptions attended by the president. As a result, Ali said in the Press to Ask Bang Ali Answered, “The person who invited me begged for an invitation that was given to be considered non-existent and because of that, he apologized. Later there were those who said that they still hoped for my presence, but the time was determined. “
Persona non grata not only affects Ali personally, but also his family. Boy Sadikin, Ali’s eldest son, felt very well the difficulties inflicted by the government when he was about to borrow funds from the bank for venture capital. His submission repeatedly met with rejection. The government deliberately closed access to bank loans, especially state banks, to Ali’s family. It was known after Ali called the director of a bank and asked the reason why his son’s credit application always failed.
Lt. Gen. H.R. Dharsono
As one of the mainstay commanders of Suharto when trying to overthrow Sukarno, Dharsono clearly had a sweet relationship with “the smiling general”. Suharto appointed Dharsono to be Siliwangi commander – replacing Ibrahim Adjie, a commander with an anti-corruption reputation and Sukarno’s supporters – as a reward for the services he had provided.
Dharsono’s conflict with Suharto only took place when Suharto had been president for ten years and Dharsono was ASEAN secretary general. When giving a speech in front of Exponent 66 in Bandung, January 1978, Dharsono made a criticism of the ABRI cum government which he considered increasingly deviated.
Dharsono’s criticism immediately attracted the anger of the authorities. Anger is growing because Dharsono was reluctant to grant apologies from the government. As a result, Dharsono also had to lose his position at the ASEAN Secretariat General.
But instead of turning “tame”, Dharsono even more angered the authorities because they joined the Army Study and Communication Forum (Fosko), which took a critical attitude towards the authorities. After Fosko was dissolved by the government, Dharsono approached Petition 50. Even though he did not become a member, that made the authorities hate it. Moreover, Dharsono is getting closer to Islamic circles.
After Dharsono and 22 figures – the majority of members of the Petition 50 – signed the statement of a lawsuit against the massacre of Muslims by ABRI in the Tanjung Priok Incident, the government through its odd plot immediately arrested him on November 8, 1984 and pursued it. Dharsono is accused of being involved in a hardline Islamist plot which blew up BCA in Jakarta City.
Although later received a three-year termination of detention, Dharsono who never wanted to ask for clemency from the president had to spend six years in Cipinang Prison. Once free in 1990, Dharsono experienced isolation as were the enemies of the New Order.
After he died on June 5, 1996 due to a brain tumor, the government did not allow Dharsono’s body to be buried at TMP Cikutra, Bandung. “Suharto had personal hatred and fear towards HR Dharsono who was a commander, a real general from Siliwangi, who dared to oppose Soeharto,” said Adnan Buyung Nasution, a lawyer who defended Dharsono, in an autobiography titled The Endless Struggle: Sowing the Seeds of Reform.